The Prevention and Suppression of Temptations to Dangerous Behaviors which will ban specific kinds of pornography in a bid to increase efficiency in suppression, potentially paves way for a ban of group sex, and BDSM, in the name of public morals. The bill also poses a great threat to media freedom as it not only broadly defines a wide range of media content deemed inappropriate, it also adopts the notorious article of the Computer Crime Act which indiscriminately holds internet intermediaries liable for all pornographic/violent materials without safe harbour.
Throughout Thai history, state officials, especially police and army officers, who perpetrated torture and enforced disappearances, have never been punished and have never admitted their crimes. This year a bill against the 2 crimes was completed which has been praised by experts. However, under the military junta regime, which itself is a threat to human rights, one must be very sceptical about the bill really being passed into law.
The Thai police have been notorious for their use of torture to force confessions and the arrest of scapegoats. The two Myanmar suspects accused of killing two British backpackers on Thailand’s Koh Tao Island are good examples. In the restive Deep South, lawyers say that security officers regularly torture insurgent suspects to get confessions since the Thai police do not have enough evidence to issue arrest warrants by normal means. The Thai police are now aiming to optimize investigations by pushing for a law which will allow police from all divisions to intercept suspects’ communications. However, experts say the bill could ironically end up aggravating police abuses.
Almost all of the suspects in cases related to former royal consort face lèse-majesté. Unlike the political dissidents hunted down by the junta for their political speeches allegedly defaming the monarchy, claims about the monarchy for personal gain may not be deemed as “defaming, insulting, or threatening," What are the standards for this?
In the final part of the Modern Thai Student Movement paper, the authors explored the aspirations of two more students activist bodies from Isan who harness their energy in amending Thai educational systems. One group comprises future teachers who try to create the culture of ‘lifelong learning’ and independent thinking, while the other encourage fellow students engage in activities outside the university gates.
Part III of the Modern Thai Student Movement paper focuses on two other student organizations of Isan, Khon Kaen and Mahasarakham, who describe themselves as apolitical. While one focus on local social development and problems in education, the other set their goals on amending the “SOTUS” system, perceived as one of the social ill.
In Part II of the Modern Thai student Movement paper, we look into how 2 student organizations in Isan, Thailand’s Northeast, began. While one focus on raising political awareness and mobilisation, another choose to focus on grassroots and local issues. Both, however, describe themselves as neither Red or Yellow along the current color-coded political divide.
After the student massacre in 1976, many believed that the era of student movement in Thailand came to an end. However, in recent years, many student groups from various regions are now attempting to solve various problems in Thai society once again. In Part I of Modern Thai student movement, the writers explore the history of Thai student movement and how this generation of student activists view themselves and their fellow students.
Six months after Thailand’s martial law is imposed discontent stirs across diverse factions.
Seven months ago twenty-six people were arrested in Khon Kaen and now face charges of terrorism and treason—offences that could exact the death penalty. The case, known as the "Khon Kaen Model," is the most high-profile case to be tried in a military court since the junta took power in May.