Thai governments, for decades, have never treated the problem of forced labors and other serious allegations against its billion-dollar fishing industry as its primary concerns. Worse still, since the coup in 2014 Thailand’s ruling junta has constantly faced the mounting pressure at home and abroad.
With the ban on parties engaging in political activity still in place, a group of pro-junta politicians is forming a political coalition to support junta leader Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha in the upcoming general elections. The coalition will target the Northeast, the stronghold of the Pheu Thai party.
The junta has file charges against seven pro-democracy activists for criminal sedition and violating the junta’s public assembly ban after the seven held a symbolic activity calling for elections last weekend. On 30 January 2018, the junta has ordered seven of the most prominent pro-democracy activists charged with crimes including sedition after they launched a protest campaign calling for general elections to be held in November. Read more at
Since the junta leader coined the term “Thai-ism democracy,” various politicians have observed that it is just another attempt by the junta to justify its authoritarian politics by using beautiful words. But looking at Prayut’s further explanations, it might be worse than that. “Thailand can no longer be in conflict.
22 civil society organisations have launched a project to collect signatures of Thai citizens in a bid to repeal the junta’s orders that violate human rights and democratic values. On 15 January 2018, iLaw, a human rights advocacy group, and its network organisations launched a campaign to abolish over 500 orders of the junta’s National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO). Organisations that joined the campaign today include the Southern Peasants Federation of Thailand, the People's Health Movement, the student activist Democ
The political struggle in Thailand can be seen as the unfinished democratization project. Although we have already had the revolution for establishing the democratic regime since 1932 by a group of democrat bureaucrats and military, there were military-led 13 coup d'etat, and the constitution has been changed for 20 times during the "85 years of solitude" of Thailand politics.
On 8 November 2017, junta head Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha posed six questions to the Thai people, seeking their opinions on Thai politics and politicians, and the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO). The questions have been interpreted as an indication that the junta is considering prolonging its power in the post-election era through military-supported political parties. Prayut intends to assign the Interior Ministry to collect responses from across the country. He did the same thing in May with four questions on elections.
After the Criminal Court handed a five year jail term against Yingluck, the junta issued an organic law that forces her to appeal the case in person. Meanwhile, the junta’s National Strategic Plan has faced the ‘strongest’ rejection. Last week, the prosecution against Yingluck over the Rice Pledging Scheme (RPS) came to an end after the Supreme Court’s Criminal Division for Persons Holding Political Positions read its verdict on 27 September. The court gave Yingluck five years in prison without suspension.
Forming political alliances, securing military influence, creating extra-parliamentary mechanisms and establishing dominant ideology are things that the ruling junta has learnt from the 2006 wasted coup, says an academic.
Three years after it staged a coup, Thailand’s junta is subjecting rural people to harassment and prosecution, but pleasing investors, according to local NGOs. The National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) has been repeatedly criticised for its failure to solve economic problems and for the slide back to authoritarianism.